Subjective insecurity is a key determinant of different forms of prosocial behavior. In Study 1, we used field experiments with farmers in Colombian villages exposed to different levels of violence to investigate how individual perceptions of insecurity affect cooperation, trust, reciprocity and altruism. To do so, we developed a cognitive-affective measure of subjective insecurity. We found that subjective insecurity has a negative effect on cooperation but influences trust and altruism positively. In Study 2, carried out three years after Study 1, we repeated the initial design with additional measures of victimization. Our goal was to relate subjective insecurity with actual victimization. The findings of Study 2 support the initial results, and are robust and consistent for cooperative behavior and trust when including victimization as a mediator. Different indicators of victimization are positively correlated with subjective insecurity and an aggregate index of victimization has a negative effect on cooperation but exerts a positive influence on trust.
Archivio per agosto 2016
In recent years, the new field of behavioral economics has used psychology to identify strategies (or “nudges”) that can help people make better decisions for themselves and for society. This talk will review research on a few simple strategies for providing clear information to consumers and employees. We argue that the best way to help decision makers is not to simply give them information (picture the long credit card disclosure statements you periodically receive), but to make it usable. Our main focus has been on energy use. Every time consumers buy a new automobile in the U.S., they see a window sticker on every vehicle describing the car’s fuel economy, expressed as miles per gallon (MPG). What information would you put on an energy label to help consumers make better decisions about energy use (and the environment)?
The NYC Mayor’s Office of Criminal Justice (MOCJ) is looking for a Chief Research Officer. We are looking for a motivated, entrepreneurial leader, with a demonstrated interest in criminal justice, who will be able to develop our research agenda, manage our research budget and a team of ten researchers, and drive citywide initiatives related to data, research and technology tools.
By PG Hansen, PhD., Over the past four decades, advances in the behavioral sciences have revealed how human behavior and decision-making is boundedly rational[i], systematically biased, and strongly habitual owing to the interplay of psychological forces with what ought to be, from the perspective of rationality, irrelevant features of complex decision-making contexts. These behavioral insights teach us how contextual aspects of decision-making may systematically lead people to fail to act on well-informed preferences and thus fail to achieve their preferred ends. In the domain of public policy such advances may also teach us how neglecting these insights can be responsible for the failures of policies to reach intended effects and why paying more attention to them may provide the key for dealing more effectively with some of the main challenges modern societies and organizations face. Nudge In their popular book Nudge – Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth and Happiness (2008), Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein suggested that if a particular unfortunate behavioral or decision making pattern is the result of cognitive boundaries, biases, or habits, this pattern may be “nudged” toward a better option by integrating insights about the very same kind of boundaries, biases, and habits into the choice architecture surrounding the behavior – i.e. the physical, social, and psychological aspects of the contexts that influence and in which our choices take place – in ways that promote a more preferred behavior rather than obstruct it. In particular, they argue that such nudges may avoid some of the challenges and potential pitfalls of traditional regulation, such as costly procedures and ineffective campaigning, unintended effects of incentivizing behaviors, and invasive choice regulation, such as bans. The advantage, they claim, of applying nudges is that public policy makers might thus supplement – or, perhaps, even replace (Thaler & Sunstein 2008, p. 14) – traditional regulation with nudges to influence people’s everyday choices and behaviors in cheaper, less invasive, and more effective ways. That is, nudging seems to offer policy makers an effective way to influence citizens’ behavior without further restricting freedom of choice, imposing mandatory obligations, or introducing new taxations, or tax reliefs.